By Val. Obienyem

I have titled this comment “The Danger of Religion Without Reason” because it reflects the plight of many who chase after miracles and prophecies. For these individuals, no argument or evidence will make sense beyond the idol they have created for themselves.

Take the case of Ebuka Obi: I bet that nobody, including myself, who writes about him hates him. Ebuka is essential to the Church because he caters to the spirituality of a certain category of Christians. All we are saying is that if he is truly Catholic, as he frequently claims, he should identify with the Church in practical ways, one of which would be under the guidance of an expert priest. The Church does not seek to control him by doing so, but rather to, as a mother, ensure that the spiritual health of the people is properly guided.

Ironically, when a priest or layperson expresses this view, they are branded as an anti-Christ. At one point during this controversy, I wrote that whenever the Bishops make statements, either directly or indirectly, about the private ministries of priests and laypeople, they would be branded as working against God’s grace, and this is precisely what happened. Bishops meet twice a year for their plenary sessions. The last meeting, which was heavily advertised before it took place, was held in Benin. As usual, they evaluated the situation in society, including the Church and the country, and issued a communiqué. The communiqué made statements about private ministries and advised people accordingly, in the light of Canon Law. Expectedly, Evangelist Ebuka Obi labelled it as a secret meeting called specifically because of him. Before long, his followers began branding Bishops as anti-Christs. This illustrates the dangers of religion devoid of reason.

People like us are accustomed to this. I have not insulted Ebuka Obi; I write to educate and teach people the fundamentals of Catholicism, which I am privileged to possess. The response from individuals like Ujunwa  Okeke is that I lack love; she even attempted to prove this by claiming that he once sought my assistance for someone and I did not respond. What nonsense! I am a realist. I assist many people, even in schools. I have always and will continue to frown upon those whose job it is to seek out the needy and then call upon a third party to help. Help as much as you can because those people also have others they help, more than you might realise. This is why I do not support people setting up foundations only to start raising money to fund the foundation.  If you have money to sponsor a foundation, please do so, but do not start pestering everyone. I may be wrong, but this is my perspective. They claim that I am jealous, that I have a dark heart, or that I am more Catholic than the Pope. They say many things that are utterly incomprehensible simply because one dared tell them the truth. They even endorse what he does because, according to them, he was trained by a priest. I have reminded those with such a mindset that the greatest rebellion against the Church often came from within—priests and bishops trained in the seminaries or by apprentices—before the Council of Trent established formal seminaries.

Those who are not Catholics, who do not want you to see the truth and become spiritually emancipated, will say things like, “Val, the Catholic Church will ‘kpai’ you,” “If Ebuka were a priest, you wouldn’t say anything,” or “You are a fanatic.” Where they are coming from, only they know. Val does not and will not relate to anyone based on the church they attend. Today, I hardly know which church my workers attend.

Try to explain to them that, no matter what the game is, it must still have rules. We are not wiser than the Church. The Church, with over 2,000 years of experience, now seeks to guide the people of God. Much of that guidance can be found in Canon Law. Quote Canon Law from Jerusalem to Jericho, they pretend as if they are not aware of what it is. Yet, the Pope submits himself to the same Canon Law. Though he has the authority to overrule it, he understands that the game must always have rules, hence he always subjects himself to it. The Pope (Canons 331-335), Cardinals (Canons 349-359), bishops (Canons 375-411), and priests (Canons 528-530).

In the case of private ministries like that of Ebuka Obi, Canon Law has extensive provisions, including the bishop’s authority to recognise them (Canon 299) or even to permit the use of the name “Catholic” (Canon 300). In each instance, Canon 305 outlines the bishop’s oversight responsibilities for such ministries, which is why a chaplain is typically assigned to them. The Church’s overall aim is to ensure that the correct teachings are upheld and that everything operates within its broader framework.

In truth, there is no aspect of the life of the Church that Canon Law does not address. It was crafted to address errors of the past and mitigate the potential for future errors, without targeting any individual or group. I mention this because, if given the chance, some might claim that Canon Law is aimed specifically at them (Ebuka Obi) and may even dismiss it as a work of the devil.

Did you listen to this video 233K views · 2.2K comments | Ebuka Obi, Fr Mbaka, Fr Kelvin Ugwu, and other powerful men of God, a lesson for all Christians | By Fada Tochukwu | Facebook and how some of them dismissed Fr. Tochukwu as inspired by the devil? Why are they allergic to the truth?

It will be very absurd if anyone thinks that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has not bared his fangs too soon in power because Mr. Joe Ajaero, president of the Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, who was arrested and detained on Monday September 9, 2024 at the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport, Abuja, as he made for the United Kingdom but was freed under 24 hours.

The records of arrest, detention and threats of the same on hapless Nigerians in the past 15 months clearly show that the country is in a gradual decline to tyranny of politicians in the ruling All Progressives Congress, APC.

Should this be the case under someone who held opposition parties by the jugular between 1999 and 2015 when he and his loyalists forced the peace-loving President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan to surrender power to General Muhammadu Buhari even before the electoral umpire, the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, declared the latter winner of that year’s presidential election?

The past 15 months have clearly shown a direction of blatant violation of the rule of law by Tinubu’s security agencies and government officials. Before he rose to national prominence, Tinubu had relied heavily on his pro-democracy credentials. But surprisingly under him, disobedience of court orders, unlawful arrest and detention have been the order of the day.

Impunity by security agents and government officials have become uncontrollable. And Nigerians appear helpless.

This is indeed a bad season for Nigerians. Worse, however, is that the citizens have yet to remember the immortal words of Martin Niemöller that warned against the dangers of remaining silent in the face of tyranny. He had written:

“First they came for the Socialists, and I did not speak out -because I was not a Socialist.

“Then they came for the Trade Unionists, and I did not speak out – because I was not a Trade Unionist.

“Then they came for the Jews, and I did not speak out – because I was not a Jew.

“Then they came for me – and there was no one left to speak for me.”

As Tinubu’s security goons have begun a systematic assault on the administration’s critics, we believe that all Nigerians must henceforth speak out and condemn the dangerous dimension and not support repression of the citizens in any form even though only journalists have been hit badly so far. Which was why Reporters Without Borders, RSF. recently classified Nigeria as one of West Africa’s most dangerous and difficult countries for journalists.

According to RSF, Nigeria ranked 123 of 180 countries in its Global Press Freedom Report for 2023. The report indicated that Nigerian journalists are regularly monitored, attacked and arbitrarily arrested, adding that the “crimes committed against journalists continue to go unpunished, even when the perpetrators are known or apprehended.”

A bird’s eye view of journalists who have been arrested and detained in the past one year by either the Nigerian Police Force, Department of State Services, DSS, or Defence Intelligence Agency, DIA: Adejuwon Soyinka, West African Regional Editor of Conversation Africa and pioneer editor of the BBC Pidgin Service, August 25, 2024;  Daniel Ojukwu, May 1, 2024;  Segun Olatunji, Editor of FirstNews newspaper, March  2024; Kasarahchi Aniagolu of The Whistler Newspaper; Achadu Gabriel, a reporter with Daybreak Newspaper; Godwin Tsa of the Sun Newspaper; Precious Eze, an online publisher and journalist; Salihu Ayatullahi and Adisa-Jaji Azeez, Editor-in-Chief and Managing Editor of Informant247, respectively.

Isaac Bristol, an investigative journalist, identified as @PIDOMNIGERIA on X, was reportedly arrested and subjected to inhuman treatment after he was abducted on August 5. Abdulrazaq Babatunde, publisher of Just Events Online and Lukman Bolakale, publisher of Satcom Media, among others, have been abducted or detained under the current administration.

Indeed, many of the journalists so arrested and detained for days and weeks by the security agencies were at the instance of the president’s men. For instance, last March, the Nigeria Police Force National Cybercrime Centre (NPF-NCCC) invited and grilled Bukky Shonibare, chairperson of Foundation for Investigative Journalism Board of Trustees over a story authored by Daniel Ojukwu in which he alleged that the Senior Special Assistant to former President Muhammad Buhari on Sustainable Development Goals (SSAP-SDGs), Adejoke Orelope-Adefulire, paid N147 million to a restaurant for the construction of classrooms in Lagos.

Although Shonibare was not detained, when his reporter was eventually abducted, he languished in detention for 10 days.

It is too early in the life of this government to begin repression of those opposed to their views.

While we note that President Bola Tinubu might not be privy to this unbecoming trend, we recommend that he calls his ministers and advisers to order on misuse of the security apparatus, lest he is perceived as sanctioning their lawlessness.

“While we note that President Bola Tinubu might not be privy to this unbecoming trend, we recommend that he calls his ministers and advisers to order on misuse of the security apparatus, lest he is perceived as sanctioning their lawlessness.”

Prof Mike Ozekhome, SAN

Introduction

The 2^nd part of this treatise continues where last week’s feature stopped, namely ‘military and other security forces’, followed by ‘resident oil companies’ and ‘the local populace’. I then wonder aloud: ‘why are they stealing Nigeria blind?’. This is followed by another poser: ‘how is oil theft carried out?’, to which I proffer the following answers: (through so-called) ‘hot-tapping’, ‘cold-tapping’, terminal and vehicular transportation’, etc, concluding with what I see as the cost of the phenomenon. In this week’s feature, we shall examine the negative impact of oil theft on our economy and conclude with some recommendations for mitigating oil theft. Please read on.

The negative impact of oil theft on Nigeria’s economy

The impacts of oil theft in Nigeria cannot be over emphasized. It has led to an unstable economy, mass poverty, corruption, and security challenges amongst others. It has left Nigeria behind in the race of the third world country. This is not healthy for a developing nation that is beset with so many political and social variables.

1. Loss of revenue: The Nigerian government has lost substantial revenue, courtesy of oil theft. The stolen oil is sold on the black market, bypassing legal channels and depriving the state of crucial income that could be used for public infrastructure, social programs, and economic development. According to estimates by the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), the country lost around $41.9 billion to oil theft between 2009 and 2018. The situation is even worse in the successive years as seen above.

2. Constraints in budget: Oil theft has dealt a negative blow in other sectors. It creates budgetary constraints, leading to the government reducing expenditure in other vital sectors germane to livelihood such as the health, education and infrastructural development sectors.

This leads to a lack of investment in these areas, hindering human capital development and overall economic growth. The instability caused by inconsistent revenue inflows also undermines investor confidence and discourages foreign direct investment.

3. Environmental disasters: Oil spillage is always a likely attendant consequence of production. This has led to pollution in many states of the Niger Delta region.  Oil smugglers employ crude and unsafe methods to extract oil, damaging pipelines and infrastructure in the process. These incidents result in widespread contamination of farmlands, water sources, and ecosystems, posing serious health risks to local communities and affecting agricultural productivity. The environmental consequences of oil theft exacerbate the economic challenges faced by Nigeria.

4. Societal effects: Oil theft affects the society in various ways. Since it is a lucrative endeavor, the proceeds from oil theft are often used to fund criminal activities, including insurgency, terrorism, and other forms of organized crimes. This creates security challenges, particularly in the Niger Delta region, where most oil theft incidents occur. The presence of criminal networks also fuels corruption and exacerbates social inequality, further hampering economic progress and development.

My recommendations

Combating oil theft requires a community effort and approach by the law enforcement agencies, technological advancements, proactive government policies and even the cooperation of local communities.

Technology

Happily, the NNPC launched an App (applications platform) to monitor crude oil theft in the country. The company launched the app in Abuja at the signing of renewed Production Sharing Contracts (PSCs) agreements between NNPC and its partners in oil mining leases.

The platform ‘Crude Theft Monitoring Applications’ was created for members of host communities and other Nigerians to report incidents of oil theft and get rewarded. The Group Chief Executive Officer of the NNPC Limited, Mele Kyari, had in April disclosed that Nigeria lost $4 billion to oil theft at the rate of 200,000 barrels per day in 2022. This is not withstanding the fact that the country already lost $1.5 billion so far in 2022 because pipeline vandalism has escalated. The country was losing 95 per cent of oil production to oil thieves at Bonny Terminal, Rivers State. This is alarming. What is left for the country?

Therefore, there should be a round table conference by relevant stakeholders whose sense of patriotism, integrity and national loyalty are unwavering in this journey of ours – Nation building.

1. Security enhancement: security is a key factor in combating oil theft. Enhancing security measures around oil installations, pipelines, and waterways is essential to deter oil theft. The strategies may involve increasing surveillance, deploying advanced monitoring systems, and improving coordination among security agencies.

2. Collaboration with international partners: Oil theft is a big business, it is more regional and international. Nigeria should collaborate with international partners to combat oil theft. Information sharing, capacity building and joint operations can help disrupt transnational criminal networks involved in oil theft.

3. Community engagement: This is one of the most important factors as it permeates the grassroots. Engaging local communities and providing alternative livelihood options can help reduce their reliance on oil theft for income generation. This includes promoting entrepreneurship, vocational training, youth employment, skills acquisition, and sustainable development initiatives.

4. Legal reforms: Nigeria operates the Rule of Law, and by virtue of this, all actions must be carried out accordingly. Strengthening existing laws and imposing stricter penalties for oil theft offences can act as deterrence. This should be accompanied by an efficient judicial system that ensures speedy trial, prosecution and punishment of offenders. The Judiciary must rise like Daniel, to salvage the situation by dispensing justice without fear or favour, malice or ill-will.

5. Need to legalise small scale refineries: There is the urgent need to legalise refineries by small scale back water factories, subject to standards and benchmarks being given and monitored. This will stop their bad products finding their way into the market (as they do anyway), knowing innocent consumer’s motor engines. Afterall, Biafra was already refining oil as far back as 1967 (56 years ago) during the three year bloody Nigerian- Biafran Civil War.

Conclusion

Oil theft is an enigma to the Nigerian economy and security; the need to prevent the same cannot be overemphasized. The Nigerian government in collaboration in the oil, security, and economic sector must form a synergy to eradicate this cankerworm eating up the flesh of the wellbeing of the Nigerian- state, which is supposed to be an Eldorado. (The end).

THOUGHT FOR THE WEEK

“A century ago, petroleum – what we call oil – was just an obscure commodity; today it is almost as vital to human existence as water”. (James Buchan).